Maria da Conceição Tavares and demand-led growth in developing countries

New paper by Franklin Serrano, Miguel Carvalho and Ricardo Summa on Maria da Conceição Tavares (1930-2024) and her contributions to demand-led growth theory. The paper reviews the pioneering contributions of Maria da Conceição Tavares to the theory of demand-led growth, emphasizing her early recognition that effective demand is central not only in the short run but also in the long-run process of capital accumulation. In that respect, it is more focused and detailed in the discussion of economic growth, than my paper (in this book) that tried to put her ideas in the context of the Latin American Structuralist School, and the emergence of heterodoxy in Brazil.

From the 1960s onward, Tavares developed a framework that departed from dominant development economics, which typically treated growth in developing countries as supply-constrained. Instead, she argued that developing economies function like any capitalist system, where output and growth respond to demand.

A key contribution highlighted in the paper is Tavares’s analysis of structural change during import substitution industrialization. She explains how growth regimes can shift from export-led to domestic demand-led as the economy develops a capital goods sector and increases the domestic content of demand. Public investment and industrial policy play a central role in sustaining this transition, reinforcing the idea that growth is driven by expanding demand rather than limited by supply constraints.

The paper also stresses her critique of stagnationist theories. Against views (including Celso Furtado’s work) that predicted long-run stagnation due to structural constraints, Tavares argued that slowdowns are typically the result of insufficient effective demand rather than inherent limits to growth. By distinguishing between capacity and its utilization, she shows that apparent structural problems often reflect cyclical demand deficiencies.

Another central element discussed in the paper is her Kaleckian inspired separation between distribution and accumulation. Tavares argued that income distribution does not mechanically determine growth. Instead, it affects demand conditions but does not impose a necessary trade-off between consumption and investment. Growth depends on autonomous components of demand, and different distributive regimes can sustain accumulation depending on the broader demand structure.

The paper emphasizes her original contribution regarding autonomous demand, particularly capitalist consumption and public expenditure. These components, along with residential investment, are seen as crucial drivers of long-run growth because they sustain demand without directly expanding productive capacity. This insight anticipates later developments in demand-led growth theory, especially the supermultiplier framework.

Finally, and perhaps more importantly, the authors discuss Tavares’s views on investment and financial capital. Drawing on Hilferding, Hobson and Schumpeterian ideas, she incorporates autonomous investment linked to innovation and financial structures. The paper concludes by showing her influence on two strands of contemporary research, one that treats investment as fundamentally autonomous, related to the financialization literature, particularly as developed at Unicamp, where Tavares taught starting in the 1970s, and another, associated to Serrano himself and his co-authors at Tavares's alma mater in Rio, that led to the Sraffian supermultiplier, where investment is entirely induced.

Beyond Vulgar Economics: Conceição Tavares and Heteredox Economics

My paper (in Spanish) for a book on social thinkers in Latin America edited by Marcelo Rougier and Juan Odisio, and that I presented in a few venues since 2020, is now revised and done. The book includes chapters on Raúl Prebisch, Aníbal Pinto, Víctor Urquidi, Celso Furtado, Juan Noyola Vázquez, Helio Jaguaribe, Aldo Ferrer, and Osvaldo Sunkel, besides mine on Maria da Conceição Tavares. A version available here.

Bielschowsky on Furtado's "Economic Growth of Brazil"

Celso Furtado (1920-2004)

The International Journal of Political Economy, edited by Mario Seccareccia, had a special issue on Celso Furtado. There were articles by Ricardo Bielschowsky, James Cypher, and Rosa Freire d'Aguiar, Furtado's widow, among others. Below Bielschowsky's paper on Furtado's opus magnus, titled "Furtado's Economic Growth of Brazil: Masterpiece of Structuralism."

From the abstract:

This survey article reviews Celso Furtado’s most famous book and argues that he convincingly used the central elements of the Prebisch-ECLAC analytical construct—strucuturalism—to organize and study the economic history of Brazil from its discovery until the mid-twentieth century. Furtado shows how, throughout Brazilian history, successive cycles of economic growth before industrialization (mainly, the production of sugarcane in the Northeast in the seventeenth century, the gold cycle in Minas Gerais in the eighteenth century, and coffee production in the Southeast in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries) have created, and thereafter perpetuated, some major characteristics of Brazilian underdevelopment: low production and lack of export diversity, as well as structural heterogeneity, specifically, a vast underemployed sector existing side by side with a high productivity modern sector.

Read rest here.

Is Venezuela a threat to the US?

I published not long ago on the sanctions imposed on Venezuela, in the middle of the easing of relations with Cuba. Now the US has imposed additional sanctions on Venezuela, and declared that the country is "an extraordinary threat to the national security of the United States." That this statement is, at face value, ridiculous is fairly evident. The sanctions are imposed allegedly on the basis of violations of human rights, which is also not credible, since the US (not just in the past, but right now) supports governments with a very poor record on human rights. In Latin America the US gives full support to the government of Colombia were human rights violations are the norm.

The media coverage in the US about Venezuela is, as noted by Mark Weisbrot, worse than the coverage during the build up to the Iraq war. I normally don't discuss non-economic issues in the blog. But it is worth listening to Mark on the Diane Rehm show today. Note that as Mark says, it is the US that is isolated on Venezuela, with almost all the governments in the region decrying the US policies. And as he says, there are problems with the economic policies in Venezuela (and other left of center governments in the region), but nothing justifies the US support for "regime change" in Venezuela, in particular, and the region. And no the government is NOT a dictatorship. Not only it was elected in clean elections, but also the vast majority of the media is anti-Chávez and they do have freedom of expression, as Mark notes, probably more than in the US.

Note that the pressure on Venezuela takes place at the same time that in many countries, the right wing forces which historically have received support from US administrations, both Republican and Democratic ones, are pushing for impeachments and veiled threats of coups. Part of the reason for right wing pressure, and the hate these left of center governments have generated on the wealthy and the middle classes (which in the past were for military coups) is, as noted by Bresser-Pereira in Brazil, related to the improvement of income distribution and the conditions of the poorest in the region. Note that the region is the exception in the last decade, with inequality falling, even if it is still high.

PS: Beyond the political questions, which of course do have an economic impact, there is very little sensible written about the long run problems of growing with abundance of foreign currency (something often referred to as a resource curse or Dutch Disease). A precursor to that discussion can be found in the work of Celso Furtado, written in 1957, when he was at the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA). See more here.

Sunkel and Conceição Tavares on Prebisch and Furtado at ECLAC

Short excerpt from the Furtado biopic "O Longo Amanhecer." Osvaldo Sunkel and Maria da Conceição Tavares on the early contributions of Prebisch and Furtado. In Spanish and Portuguese, but with subtitles in English.

John and Richard Toye on the Prebisch-Singer hypothesis: or did Prebisch wholly rely on Singer's work?

Prebisch (center) presiding over an early meeting at ECLA

(Furtado second from the right)

John and Richard Toye paper (subscription required) on Prebisch's contribution to the Prebisch-Singer Hypothesis has had a significant impact on the accepted view about the development their theory. They argue that in their view:

“of the events surrounding the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) conference in Havana in May 1949 reveals that Prebisch did not discover independently that the terms of trade of primary products were secularly declining, but relied wholly on the previous work of Singer” [italics added].

In other words, they argue that while Prebisch is more well-known in many respects it was the work of Singer that was essential and original in determining the eponym hypothesis. Toye and Toye (2003, p. 443) do NOT argue that Prebisch was unaware of falling commodity prices, but they do suggest that he thought of this as being merely short run phenomena. In their words:

“He [Prebisch] published an article in 1934 arguing that "it is a well-known fact that agricultural prices have fallen more profoundly than those of manufactured articles," and that Argentina had to export 73 percent more than before the depression to obtain the same quantity of manufactured imports (Prebisch [1934] 1991, 341). However, Prebisch was merely noting a fact, and did not provide any theoretical analysis of it (Magariños 1991, 63-64). He saw it as a feature of depression economics, that is, as a short-run cyclical problem. He believed that the remedy was to be found in expansionist economic policies, not, as the Prebisch-Singer thesis would later imply, in major changes in the structure of the international economy” [italics added].

In other words, Prebisch's notion of a structural problem that required a radical change, industrialization, rather than just anti-cyclical macroeconomic policy, basically "wholly relied" on Singer. This is why they believe the first draft of Prebisch's famous Development Manifesto was changed, as accounted by Celso Furtado in his memoirs.

Note, however, that Prebisch was from the early 1930s starting a long trajectory of rethinking his orthodox (somewhat eclectic, but essentially marginalist) views of the functioning of the economy, one in which the fluctuations in the periphery where for the most part accounted by an connected to the oscillations on the central economies. He was also keenly aware of the changes in the hegemonic positions of the US and the UK, and the tribulations of the international financial system.

In a series of papers with Esteban Pérez Caldentey, I have argued that Prebisch was developing a dynamic theory, that would be developed fully in his classes at the University of Buenos Aires, before his Manifesto was conceived in 1949, in which cycle and trend are seen as parts of the same economic impulses. In Prebisch's discussion of the cycle in Argentina, as early as 1934, Prebisch does show awareness of the consequence of a fall in the trend of commodity prices. In the paper we note that:

“The events of the year 1929 were viewed as a further extension of the 1927-1928 cycle. Initially he dated the ascending phase of the cycle between May 1927 and September 1928 (RP, Vol, I. p. 587). Later on however, once the effects of the year 1929 were visible in the Argentine economy he states that the descending phase of the cycle started during 1929 with some symptoms appearing by the middle of 1928 (Ibid. p.613). This point is also emphasized in his 1934 article 'The Present Moment of Our Economy.' He states (RP, Vol. II., p. 158): 'If we were to judge the year 1933…by the evolution of our agricultural exports, we would only be able to say that it was an additional year of contraction adding to those that have …the Argentine economy since 1929.' Prebisch came to realize the distinct character of the Great Depression when he became aware of the profound contraction in agricultural prices. The contraction was so sharp that the agricultural price index reached levels that it had not witnessed since the nineteenth century. As he put it (Ibid., p.346-347 and also 135): 'The collapse in prices…does not constitute the usual phenomenon of cyclical reaction…rather an intense and pertinent decline to positions each time farther away from the level on which developed the relations of production and credit.' And (p. 135) 'It [the decline in agricultural prices] is not a simple return to a previous situation, but of an accentuated and progressive contraction of values, that violently upsets the economic structure of the country'” [italics added].

In other words, it is a matter of trend not cycle, and hence an antecedent of the Prebisch-Singer hypothesis, which is in fact based on his theoretical development of a type of dynamic foreign trade-multiplier story of the cycle.

Also, a careful reading of Furtado's discussion of the writing of the Manifesto suggests that what the Singer paper provided was NOT the empirical basis for a new and radical theory, but the incentive for a more militant and pro-industrialization version of the report. A change in political tone, rather than a significantly different understanding of the problems of development in Latin America, which as we have argued with Esteban, where quite solidified by this time.* As result, I would suggest that Prebisch's fame as the key thinker behind the famous hypothesis is well-deserved, and that the notion that he wholly relied on Singer is hyperbolic at best.

* However, as noted by Mallorquín, Prebisch would put on hold his more radical ideas during his long sojourn in the United Nations system, at ECLAC and then UNCTAD.

PS: For more on Prebisch go to ECLAC's website about him and his legacy here.

A time to reap

Conceição Tavares worked hard and now is time to reap the benefits. From Marx21 (hat tip Tomas Rotta).

Renowned professor and economist Maria da Conceição Tavares received yesterday, May 17th 2012, the highest scientific prize granted by the Brazilian government. The national foundation for scientific research (CNPq) awarded Conceição Tavares for her lifetime theoretical and practical achievements. Tavares has influenced generations of students, scholars, and state officials. The significance of the award is that it goes to a female Marxist economist. Dilma Rousseff, Brazil’s first female president and herself a former student of Conceição Tavares, personally handed the prize. During the official ceremony Dilma made clear in her brief speech that “Conceição Tavares treated economics as it should be treated, as political economy.”

Read the rest here.

PS: By the way, while it's true that Conceição was certainly influenced by Marx, it's far from clear that one could call her Marxist rather than say Structuralist. Her famous 1978 full professor dissertation (you had to write one to get a chair at a public university then) is basically Kaleckian, and was clearly influenced by Keynes. And as any Brazilian economist she was heavily influenced by Marxist historian Caio Prado and by the quintessential Brazilian structuralist Celso Furtado, beyond several structuralists at ECLAC, like Prebisch and Anibal Pinto. A more detailed story here.