Showing posts with label Piketty and Saez. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Piketty and Saez. Show all posts

Monday, March 30, 2015

Minimum wage and inequality

Carlos Medeiros reminded me the other day that the minimum wage had played an important part in the reduction of inequality in developed economies, something often not discussed in detail or given proper emphasis in mainstream stories, that in the US tend to emphasize the role of education (for example, in Claudia Goldin and Lawrence Katz's work). By the way, Medeiros comment was prompted by the fact that Piketty in his Capital in the Twenty-First Century does note the role of the minimum wage in the reduction of inequality during the Golden Age.

The graph below shows the real minimum wage since its creation until 2013, and the income of the top 1%, from the Piketty and Saez data.
This exhibits a similar pattern as the one shown by the relation of inequality and the top marginal tax rate. The fall and then stagnation of real minimum wage over the last thirty years is certainly part of the story of increasing inequality, and to reverse it would require strengthening the labor force, and a higher minimum wage.

Friday, March 28, 2014

Galbraith on Piketty's Capital

I'm still reading the book, so I will not say much at this point. The history of ideas at the beginning of the book is just embarrassingly bad, and suggests that mainstream economists do not have the faintest idea about the history of their own discipline. Just a short example would suffice to show what I mean. Piketty says: “Marx totally neglected the possibility of durable technological progress and steadily increasing productivity.” Note that the book is named Capital, and Piketty is quite critical of Marx. So you would expect some reasonable understanding of what is in the other Capital. If you open chapter XV of Marx's Capital, on Machinery and Modern Industry he tells you:
"Like every other increase in the productiveness of labour, machinery is intended to cheapen commodities, and, by shortening that portion of the working day, in which the labourer works for himself, to lengthen the other portion that he gives, without an equivalent, to the capitalist. In short, it is a means for producing surplus value."
So machinery and increasing productivity are essential for the production of surplus value and the explanation of profits. It is evident that if Piketty read Marx, he didn't understand much. And that is true of almost any citation that involves history of economic ideas (so Roncaglia, previous post, is right, Piketty should take a course in the history of economic thought).

Also, Piketty is in many passages clearly contradictory, taking positions that are not compatible with other assumptions made just before. These contradictions derive basically from his adherence to neoclassical theory, and his desire to transcend it, and say something relevant about inequality. In neoclassical theory inequality results from technical change, and different levels of skills, since workers and capital receive according to their productivity. Political factors should NOT play an important role. Other than the data on inequality, in the collecting of which he has been central together Emmanuel Saez, even if it is far from true that he is the only follower of Kuznets, there is little merit in this book it seems.

Jamie Galbraith provided a good review in Dissent (see here). An important point that Jamie makes is that Piketty botches the argument on the capital debates (again, given the title of the book, it is a bit ironic). Jamie notes: "Piketty devotes just three pages to the 'Cambridge-Cambridge' controversies, but they are important because they are wildly misleading..." and Piketty doesn't get that: "as the rate of interest falls, there is no systematic tendency to adopt a more 'capital-intensive' technology, as the neoclassical model supposed." The implications of the capital debates (for more on that go here) for understanding inequality are associated that once intensity and remuneration are not connected in the way neoclassical theory suggests the bare bones of the social conflicts that are behind income and wealth inequality are exposed.

An appreciation of the limitations of the neoclassical view of capital would lead, according to Galbraith, to a broader understanding of the policies needed to overcome inequality, beyond the tax on wealth proposed by Piketty, and a better understanding of how in a previous era -- of the New Deal and the Welfare State -- it was possible to reduce equally staggering inequities.

Friday, December 20, 2013

Real average family income growth in the last decade

Yep, it went all to the top. But not just the 1%. More like the 0.01%! If you take a 10% real increase (meaning 1% per year) it would be the 0.5%.

Monday, September 10, 2012

Why Tax the Rich?

A question that has been central in this electoral season is whether taxation of the wealthy matters. Republicans suggest that it reduces growth, since it creates negative incentives to 'job-creators', while Democrats argue that it is a question of fairness. The figure shows some data which sheds light on the second issue.
The graph shows the top marginal rate from 1913 to 2010 in the left-hand axis, with a low of 7% in 1913 and an all time high in 1953 at 92% of the marginal dollar being taxed, and the income of the top 1% (the non-99%) on the right-hand side. The lowest level of total income of the top 1% was 7.7% in 1973 and the highest levels were 19.6% in 1928 (right before the 1929 crash) and 18.3% in 2007 (before the 2008 Lehman collapse). There is a clear negative correlation. And, by the way, it is no coincidence that after the increase in inequality we had a financial crash both times.

Thursday, September 6, 2012

Income Inequality in the US (1917-2010)

Atkinson, Piketty and Saez have a new website on income inequality that provides free access to a lot of data. Below a taste, showing the ratio of average income of the bottom 90% to the average income of the top 10% in the US from 1917 to 2010.
It is clear that the war, and the policies enacted during the 1930s, allowed a significant compression of the income of the top, which has been basically reverted in the last 3 decades, after Reagan and the rise of the Conservative movement. Nothing new, but good to see it this clearly.