Dean and Cole vs. Crafts on the Industrial Revolution

My understanding of the debate on how fast, or revolutionary if you prefer (Rondo Cameron suggested it shouldn't be called a Revolution), was the Industrial Revolution is that a lot hinges on how much weight one puts on the cotton sector, in which most of the increase in productivity and growth took place in the early stages. Dean and Cole (review here) presented the traditional notion of a relatively fast growing economy, while Crafts and Harley argued for a gradualist transformation in which only a few sectors grew fast (cotton, iron and transportation) and the transformations were slow at best. The graph below by Wrigley shows nicely the difference in both views.

Note that Wrigley assumes that the estimates for GNP and GNP per head for the early 1830s are accurate, hence the differences in rates of growth imply diverse initial levels. Wrigley does not challenge the consensus view that is increasingly dominated by Crafts and Harley's numbers, but the graph below, also from his book, provides surprising evidence for a very large expansion of income.

Note that energy consumption per capita in England increases at a very fast pace all through the 18th century. It is well known that, particularly in periods of transformation of the structure of production, energy consumption per capita is closely correlated with income growth.

PS: Total factor productivity (TFP) is the measure used by Crafts and others to conclude that productivity was slow to grow in the period. On the problems with TFP go here.

Crowding out and the Industrial Revolution

A while ago I posted on Bill McColloch's paper on the role of financial regulation during the 18th century. One of the arguments that Bill's paper tries to refute is the idea that the revisionist views that suggest slower growth in England during the Industrial Revolution (Crafts and Harley here; subscription required) was caused by crowding out (see, for example, Jeffrey Williamson here). Bill correctly points out that interest rates remained low in England.

The graph below, from Dickson's classic book on the Financial Revolution shows that throughout the 18th century interest rates actually fell.

More importantly, British rates remained well below the levels of the French ones, and gave a significant advantage in their quest for global hegemony, as the graph below shows (source here).

Note that even if one accepts the lower rates of growth suggested by Crafts and Harley, the explanation for the lower rates of investment should not be that surprising. Yes, the accelerator. Lower levels of growth imply one needs lower levels of investment in order to adjust supply to growing demand.

A Shackled Revolution? The Bubble Act and Financial Regulation in 18th Century England

New Working Paper by Bill McColloch, which refutes anti-Keynesian (crowding out) views on the Industrial Revolution (IR). From the abstract:

"Revisionist estimates of growth rates during the British industrial revolution, though largely successful in presenting a more modest picture of Britain’s ‘take-off’ prior to the 1830s, have also posed fresh analytical difficulties for champions of the new economic history. If 18th-century Britain was witness to a diffuse explosion of ‘useful knowledge,’ why did aggregate growth rates or industrial output growth rates not more closely shadow the pace of technological change? In effort to explain this paradox, Peter Temin and Hans-Joachim Voth have claimed that a few key institutional restrictions on financial markets – namely the Bubble Act, and tightening of usury laws in 1714 – served to amplify the "crowding out" impact of government borrowing. Against this vision, the present paper contends that the adverse impact of financial regulation and state borrowing in 18th century Britain has been greatly overstated. To this end, the paper first briefly outlines the historical context in which the Bubble Act emerged, before turning to survey the existing diversity of perspectives on the Act’s lasting impact. It is then argued that there is little evidence to support the view that the Bubble Act significantly restricted firms’ access to capital. Following this, it is suggested that the “crowding out” model, theoretical shortcomings aside, is largely inapplicable to 18th century Britain. The savings-constrained vision of British capital markets significantly downplays the extent to which the Bank of England, though founded as an institution to manage the public debt, provided the entire financial system with liquidity in the 18th century."

The paper by Temin and Voth is here. Their recently published book is here.

Crafts and Harley's re-interpretation of the IR in Britain, alluded to in the text, is available here (subscription required). The classic book on the British IR that Crafts and Harley try to supersede is by Deane and Cole (here). A discussion of the two views by Temin is available here.

On whether the British government had a role in financing the IR, it is worth remembering Pressnell's (subscription required) words, for whom:

"Amongst the half-truths of economic history is the generalization that British Governments did not finance the Industrial Revolution. That public financial aid was not a regular and conscious process cannot be doubted; equally, it is indisputable that Government was not distinguished during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries by the provision of financial facilities commensurate with a period of economic expansion. In practice, however, a considerable volume of public money swelled the funds of private bankers, and in this indirect fashion helped to fructify private enterprise."

Pressnell suggests that country bankers were often tax collectors, and closely related to industrial activities. The incredible growth of public debt, to 260% of GDP by the end of the Napoleonic Wars, and the increase in government revenue to pay for debt service, implied a signiifcant increase in liquidity which is associated to the financing of the IR.

PS: Newton (pictured above) lost his pants in the South Sea Bubble, and also was famous for getting the exchange rate between gold and silver wrong (he was the Master of the Mint), leading to hoarding of silver, and the beggining of an effective Gold Standard in Britain.