Showing posts with label Fred Lee. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Fred Lee. Show all posts

Thursday, August 21, 2014

Classic Paper by Arestis & Eichner: "The Post-Keynesian and Institutionalist Theory of Money and Credit"

Recently, (see here) Matias posted a link to Fred Lee's collection of a classic set of by papers by the late Alfred S. Eichner. He mentioned that this not a complete set of Eichner's remarkable work, and that there are plenty of other exceptional pieces; in particular is Eichner's paper with Philip Arestis: "The Post-Keynesian and Institutionalist Theory of Money and Credit." This work has influenced my research tremendously (especially concerning the authors adherence to the tradition of Veblenian Institutionalism, and their emphasis of an 'open-systems' approach to political economy).

From the Introduction (which is worth quoting at length):
The purpose of this article is two-fold: first, to identify the main elements of what constitutes post-Keynesian and institutionalist monetary theory and, second, to put forward a model general enough to encapsulate most, if not all, of the constituent elements of the post-Keynesian and institutionalist theory of money and credit. One further novel aspect of this article is that we account for the possibility of the openness of economic systems. This is an aspect that has been ignored by the literature on both post-Keynesian and institutionalist economics. 
The emphasis in post-Keynesian and institutionalist monetary theory is on the proposition that "Monetary economics cannot help being institutional economics" [Minsky 1982, p. 280] and that "Capitalism is a monetary economy" [Dilland 1987, p. 1641]. In this view money capital is an institution that is inseparable from the other institutions that comprise economic systems. Money is not merely a medium of exchange. It is tightly linked to the behavior of the enterprise sector and the economy as a whole. Therefore, the basic theme in this approach is inevitably, "The Monetary Theory of Production" [Keynes 1973; Veblen 1964]. It is in fact this Veblenian/Keynesian premise that constitutes the core of what we have labelled in this study "the post- Keynesian and institutionalist theory of money and credit." 
In this monetary theory of production, it is not surprising to find that credit rather than money is the mechanism that enables spending units to bridge any gap between their desired level of spending and the current rate of cash inflow. Money is viewed as essentially endogenous in a credit-based economy, responding to changes in the behavior of economic entities, rather than being subject to the control of the monetary
authorities. Money, in this view, is an output of the system, with the endogenous response by the financial sector governed by the borrowing needs of firms, households, and the government. Once it is recognized that money is credit-driven and therefore endogenously determined, any money creation emanating from fiscal or debt management operations initiated by the authorities or from a favorable balance of payments, can be neutralized through an equivalent reduction in commercial bank credit brought about by the actions of private economic agents.' It clearly follows that government may not be able to create money directly (see, however, Chick [1986]). 
What it can do, instead, is redistribute money among different groups of economic agents. This can happen when governments, in their attempt to increase/reduce the stock of money, set in motion the process whereby bank credit is created/destroyed by groups of economic agents. To the extent that the latter groups are different from those initially receiving/destroying money following the government's initiatives, redistribution of money between those groups takes place. 
The endogenous nature of money and credit is further elaborated upon in the next section with the constituent elements of the model under discussion being brought together in the section that follows. It is precisely here that the openness of economic systems is emphasized and its implications for the post-Keynesian and institutionalist theory of money and credit are compared with the neoclassical view. A final section summarizes the argument.
Read rest here (subscription required).

Tuesday, August 19, 2014

Alfred S. Eichner's papers

Have been posted by Fred Lee and are available here. These are not a complete set of papers and books by Eichner, and I assume that they are the ones that are part of Fred's collection. Still worth checking out.

Below the text of the New York Times obituary (the pdf of the article here). Eichner had been a student of Eli Ginzberg, who was in turn a student of Wesley Mitchell and John Maurice Clark (his not too kind comments on his teachers here), and was the link to the institutionalist tradition.
Alfred S. Eichner Is Dead at 50; Major Post-Keynesian Economist

Alfred S. Eichner, a leading member of the post-Keynesian school of economics and a professor at Rutgers University, died of a heart attack Wednesday in Closter, N.J., where he lived. He was 50 years old.

Dr. Eichner suffered the attack while playing racquetball. He was pronounced dead at Pascack Valley Hospital in Westwood.

A native of Washington, he was a graduate of Columbia College and received his doctorate in economics from Columbia, where he taught from 1962 until 1971. He headed the economics department at the State University of New York in Purchase from 1971 to 1980 and joined the Rutgers faculty the following year.

Dr. Eichner edited several books, including ''A Guide to Post-Keynesian Economics'' and ''Why Economics Is Not Yet a Science,'' both published in 1983 by M. E. Sharpe. His latest book, ''The Macrodynamics of Advanced Market Economies,'' is to be published this year, also by M. E. Sharpe. 'One of the Best Teachers'

He was a member of the editorial board of the Journal of Post-Keynsian Economics and he lectured widely and testified before Congressional and other legislative committees.

With Eli Ginsberg, a professor of economics at Columbia, Dr. Eichner wrote an economic history of black Americans, ''The Troublesome Presence: The American Democracy and the Negro,'' published in 1964 by Free Press. Dr. Ginsberg recalled Dr. Eichner this week as ''a first-rate historian and one of the best teachers'' of economics.

As a leader of the post-Keynesian school, a small but influential group of economists in Britain and the United States, Dr. Eichner sought to go beyond the theories of John Maynard Keynes, who advocated government intervention in the free market and public spending to increase employment.

In the view of Dr. Eichner and his colleagues, investment is the key to economic expansion. He advocated a government incomes policy to prevent inflationary wage and price settlements as an adjunct to the customary fiscal and monetary means of regulating the economy.

Dr. Eichner is survived by his wife, Barbara; their sons, Matthew and James, both of Closter; two brothers, Martin, of Palo Alto, Calif., and Stanley, of Boston, and a sister, Belle Joyce Kass of Chicago.
There is more interesting stuff in Fred's page here.

Tuesday, February 4, 2014

Heterodox Microeconomics

Tae-Hee Jo, Fred Lee, Nina Shapiro, and Zdravka Todorova have compiled a list of readings in Heterodox Microeconomics that deserves attention and praise (available here). The only classic book that was central in my formation that I see missing is Paolo Sylos-Labini's Oligopoly and Technical Progress (1962). My favorite graduate textbook still is the one by Fabio Petri here.

Friday, July 27, 2012

In Defense of Post-Keynesian and Heterodox Economics


New book (and here) edited by Fred Lee and Marc Lavoie (there is a typo on the cover, Mark instead of Marc) forthcoming soon. The book is a response to critics of heterodox economics, mostly friendly critics, who suggest that heterodox economics should change its ways in order to be more respectable and to achieve more pre-eminence. The critics include J. Barkley Rosser, David Colander, John B. Davis, Giuseppe Fontana, Robert Garnett, Bill Gerrard and Richard C. Holt.

From the book jacket:
Post-Keynesian and heterodox economics challenge the mainstream economics theories that dominate the teaching at universities and government economic policies. And it was these latter theories that helped to cause the great depression the United States and the rest of the world is in. However, most economists and the top 1% do not want mainstream theories challenged—for to do so would mean questioning why and how the 1% got where they are. Therefore, numerous efforts have been and are being made to discredit if not suppress Post-Keynesian and heterodox economics. These efforts have had some success; this book is a response to them.

This book makes it clear that Post Keynesian/heterodox economics is, in spite of internal problems, a viable and important approach to economics and that it should resist the attempts of the critics to bury it. The reader will also find arguments that directly engage the critics and suggest that their views/criticisms are vacuous and wrong. As such, this will appeal to all who are interested in economic theory, economic history and who believe in challenging the orthodoxy.
The paper by Marc that started the book project is available here. Fred's paper which followed is here.

Wednesday, March 28, 2012

Gravitation, Full Cost Pricing and Prices of Production

Franklin Serrano (Guest blogger)

Most Sraffians understand that gravitation of market prices to normal prices is much quicker than the slower, but inevitable, adaptation of capacity to demand. But other eminent Sraffians have made some confusion by wrongly identifying classical prices of production with full cost pricing.

Classical prices of production are the centre of gravitation for market prices and are determined by the costs of the dominant techniques (at the level of normal utilization of fixed capital) and the state of distribution. It is a general theory of the structural determinants and limits for the trend of market prices in all types of markets. In spite of the similar name it has little or nothing to do with “normal cost” or full cost pricing which is a generalization of the descriptions given by some firms as to how they actually calculate their own prices based on a markup over their own costs (not those of the dominant technique).

First of all, there is obvious fact that the theory of prices of production was developed in a historical period in which such these pricing rules simply did not exist (see Hicks’ Market Theory of Money, 1989). And prices of production can still explain, in my view, the structural or trend element even in markets with highly flexible prices subject to wild short run fluctuations and rampant speculation, as in the so-called “commodity” markets (in Garegnani’s comment on Asimakopulos he explicitly mentions the importance of explaining the trend of the relative price of copper even though “at any one time copper prices are 50% or more above or below trend”)

Second, even in the so called fix price markets, were firms set the prices of their products directly, the full or "normal cost" that particular firms use to calculate their own price is the actual cost of these particular firms and the markup these particular firms think they can add to prices without trouble. These calculations generate actual market prices or (if stylized enough to have some generality short run theoretical prices) that are not unique even for a single market as the full cost prices can be different for different firms. These prices differ from prices of production because they refer to the actual costs of some firms and not the costs of the dominant technique available. For that particular product that determines a single price of production for that market.

The way prices of production may regulate the full cost prices of firms is by getting them in trouble whenever their actual costs plus their desired markups are too high relative to the costs (including normal profits) of the dominant technique, thereby attracting new entrants or cause some rival firms inside that market not to follow price rises that are due to increase in costs particular to that firm or “excessive” desired markups of these firms.

Professors Fred Lee and Marc Lavoie are both absolutely right and some Sraffians wrong in saying that full cost pricing is NOT the same thing as the classical theory of prices of production. Where I think they are definitely wrong is in thinking that classical prices of production are thus irrelevant for market forms in which firms follow such rules. For, through the power of actual or potential competition, the classical prices of production are the centers of gravitation that regulate even the trend of the prices of firms that practice full cost pricing. The closest analogy between classical prices of production and the industrial organization literature is thus the concept that Sylos-Labini called “limit” prices.

So market prices in both fix and flex price markets gravitate, towards or around classical prices of production. Any theory of full cost pricing can at best be a particular theory of short run price behavior of some firms in particular types of markets. There are old papers by James Clifton that started this confusion many years ago in Contributions to Political Economy and the Cambridge Journal of Economics. It is about time we stop confusing ourselves and our post Keynesian friends on this issue.

References:

Lavoie, M. (2003), “Kaleckian Effective Demand and Sraffian Normal Prices: Towards a reconciliation,” Review of Political Economy, 15(1) available here.

Lee, F. and T-H. Jo (2011) “Social Surplus Approach and Heterodox Economics,” Journal of Economic Issues, 45(4) available here.

Garegnani, P. (1988), “Actual and Normal Magnitudes: A Comment on Asimakopulos,” Political Economy, republished in Essays on Piero Sraffa: Critical Perspectives on the Revival of Classical Theory, Routledge, 1990.

Monday, February 20, 2012

MMT and its discontents


The Washington Post had a substantial profile on what is now termed Modern Monetary Theory (starts with Jamie Galbraith, and then goes on to the Kansas version of post Keynesian economics). A few reactions in the blogosphere. Two worth noticing are by Dean Baker and Jared Bernstein that provide qualified support.

Dean suggests that beyond fiscal deficits stimulus should also come from monetary policy (lower interest rate), and a more depreciated dollar. My guess is that, at least the Kansas MMTers would be fine with both, but suggest that lower rates of interest are not much in play now. But from what I understand a depreciated dollar has been seen as part of a solution by most progressive economists. Randy Wray, for example, is certainly less concerned with the size of a trade deficit than Dean, since the US is the issuer of the key currency [I have less confidence on flexible exchange rates as a way of solving balance of payments constraints in developing countries, but I'll leave that for another post].

My concern with Dean's notion of a more devalued dollar, which is generally fine and will not lead to the demise of the dollar in the near future, is that for the workers with low wages that depend on cheap imports at Walmart it implies higher prices and lower real wages. A boost to increase real wages would be necessary [see Jamie on that here]. So better income distribution should be the most important channel to boost consumption on a sustainable way.

Jared Bernstein fundamentally adds that taxes on the wealthy should be increased. Which he argues from a political standpoint, and I think it is quite reasonable, since that is one way (besides hiking minimum wages, and repealing right to work and other anti-labor legislation) to improve income distribution.

On a more personal level, my problem with the WaPo piece, and the general discussion of MMT, is that for the most part it sees MMT as just a policy program (the Kansas one is, for example, an Employer of Last Resort of some type, which is fine with me, by the way), and does not separate the theoretical discussions from the policy stuff.

Endogenous money, chartalism, and functional finance, are relevant because they fit the theoretical framework of a coherent heterodox alternative to the mainstream based on Keynes' Principle of Effective Demand [for a full alternative you need also long term pricing; in Kansas your man for that would be Fred Lee]. For my views on that go here. I think, hence, that a coherent alternative to the mainstream, beyond Keynesian economics, requires a good dose of the old and forgotten methods of classical political economy.

PS: My point about theoretical versus policy matters is driven by the fact that on certain policy issues, like the need for further fiscal stimulus, New Keynesians like Krugman and DeLong would be fundamentally in agreement with MMTers.